INTERNATIONAL NETWORK FOR CULTURAL DIVERSITY (INCD)

 

 

CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT PROJECT

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT  SYSTEMS

 

A Review of Current Literature

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PREPARED BY :

 

BURAMA K. SAGNIA

PROJECT CONSULTANT

B.P. 3186

DAKAR, SENEGAL

 

E-mail: b.sagnia@unidep.org

             b.sagnia@sentoo.sn

            burasagnia@hotmail.com

 

Tel. : (221) 822 19 79 / 823 10 20

Fax: (221) 822 29 64

 

 

 

 


TABLE OF CONTENTS                                                                                                  Pages

 

I.         INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………..3    

 

II.        CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT SYSTEM……………………………..4

 

11.1.    Historical Context……………………………………….................................4

11.2.    Current Situation and Trends…………………………………………………7

II.2.1.  Cultural Concerns of Communities…………………………………7

            II.2.2.  National Responses…………………………………………………….11

            II.3.2. International Responses……………………………………………….13

 

III.      CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES………………………......18

 

 

REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………..21
I.         INTRODUCTION

 

According to the International Association for Impact Assessment, impact assessment simply defined, “is the process of identifying the future consequences of a current or proposed action”.

 

Impact assessment as a standard development practice, gained international attention and recognition as a result of the activities of two international bodies. In 1980, during the special session on integrated impact assessment at a meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), the formation of a new organization was discussed. It would combine the interests of environmental impact assessment, social impact assessment, technology assessment, risk assessment and related fields. A working party was convened to advance the proposal and the International Association for Impact Assessment was inaugurated as an international non-governmental organization. Today the association has over 1200 individual members representing 111nations and national affiliates providing local services to an additional 1500 members.

 

At the 1992 United Nations Summit on Environment and Development, otherwise known as the Earth Summit held in Rio (Brazil), the notion of environmental impact assessment gained further international attention as a critical tool for enhancing sustainable development. Since then, governments were required to formulate National Environment Policies, establish National Environment Agencies and elaborate National Environmental Action Plans to provide strategic dimensions for the respective countries in their efforts to address development issues with environmental consequences. The provision of required enabling legislation, institutional and policy frameworks for environmental issues, provided the basis for governments to require development agencies to prepare environmental impact assessment statements (EIS) before undertaking actions that may significantly affect the quality of the human environment.

 

Preparing an Environmental Impact Assessment Statement require the integrated use of the natural and social sciences and the humanities. Forexample, addressing the social components of the Environmental Impact Assessment has gradually led to the development of sound principles and guidelines on social impact assessment. The EIS guidelines has adopted both social and cultural variables among others to guide its investigations. While some EIS’s distinguish social variables from cultural variables, some subsume cultural variables under the broader social variables and treat Culture as part of the Social dimensions of environmental impact assessment, on the assumption that social impact assessment will adequately cover cultural issues and concerns.

 

The fact of the matter is that neither the cultural or social aspects of the EIS, nor the independent will of the cultural community has led to the development of similar international principles and guidelines for cultural impact assessment. A separate set of principles and guidelines that could provide common standards for addressing the cultural concerns of communities in a broad-based, holistic and participatory manner is what is required.

 

What is Cultural impact assessment? What is its purpose or aim? Why has its development lagged behind other forms of impact assessment? What sort of principles and guidelines can be proposed to assess the cultural impact of development policies and actions? What efforts have or are being made to address cultural impact assessment at the national, bilateral, multilateral and international levels? Attempts will be made to address these issues and illustrating them with concrete examples.

 

 There is so far no internationally negotiated and acceptable definition of cultural impact assessment, and it is not the purpose of this paper to attempt to do so. As the project progresses, attempts could however be made to narrow down to an all-encompassing standard definition that could be adopted and made relevant to given situations.

 

Because there is a variety of approaches and experiences in cultural impact assessment, it is worth beginning with a basic definition of what it is meant, so that the terms used in this text are clear. For the purpose of this study, cultural impact assessment is defined as:

 

A process of identifying, predicting and evaluating the probable effects of a current or proposed development policy or action on the cultural life, resources and values of communities, then integrating the findings and conclusions into the planning and decision-making process, with a view to mitigating adverse impacts and enhancing positive outcomes.

 

It could be deduced from this definition that cultural impact assessment is predicated on the notion that decision makers should understand the consequences of their decisions before they act, and that the affected people will not only be appraised of the effects, but have the opportunity to participate in designing their future.

 

The cultural environment is different from the natural environment because the former reacts in anticipation of change, but can adapt in reasoned ways to changing circumstances in part of the planning process. In addition, people in different cultural settings interpret change in different ways, and react in different ways.

 

Perhaps because of this complexity of culture, or the political implications of acknowledging the cultural dimensions of development policies, programmes and projects, cultural impact assessment has not been well-integrated into the decision making process of development agencies. (Escap, 1992)

 

II.        CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT SYSTEMS

 

            Impact assessment as a system has been gradually developing as a discipline, as a profession and as a branch or field of development science. Nevertheless, certain aspects of the system have been developing faster than others. Environmental, social, technological impact assessment systems today embrace a much wider spectrum of society; academics, development practitioners, policy makers, etc, than cultural impact assessment.

 

In this section attempts will be made to provide an overview of the cultural impact assessment by reviewing the historical background, current situation and trends and future perspectives.

 

II.1.     Historical Context

 

            In the Europeans’ rush to annex as much territory as possible before some other power beat them to it, they had little opportunity to learn much about their colonies in Africa, Asia and Latin America – and the cultural arrogance prevalent in the early twentieth century provided little incentive to do so until after they found themselves with the responsibility of running empires.

 

Aside from the desire to exploit known mineral deposits, they began with no fixed ideas of what they wanted to do with the colonies, once they had them. This made for an early uncertainty about ultimate objectives, but as the colonial era moved along, a variety of different goals appeared. (L.h. Gann and Peter Dnignan, 1969)

 

Certain aims were universal. First of all, any colonial government had to set up an administration – “to keep the peace” in the phrase of the times. This implied at least a minimal control over the colonial populations – enough to stop local warfare and slave raiding, and to allow free access for missionaries, administrators, and traders. But administration was expensive, and the first step led automatically to the second – the colonies had to pay their own way. The European tax payers were hardly inclined to view empire as a philanthropic enterprise, but making the colonies pay was not an easy matter. The European administration was usually an additional layer of government, above and beyond the existing traditional authorities in the colonies. As a result some form of economic development had to be fostered, especially a kind that would create taxable income. (P. Bohannan and P. Curtin, 1971)

 

Beyond this general agreement that they should keep the peace and make the colonies pay their way, Europeans has a wide choice of possible policies. But the choice was limited in practice by the fact that Europe already has a body of theory about the government of non-western Empires. One tradition carried down from the early nineteenth century can be called “conversionism”. It held that the best possible future for any non-western society was to adopt as much as possible of the European way of life. This implied conversion to Christianity, western education, western manners, and in time western political and development systems. In this way the indigenous peoples ways of governance, economic life, cultural life, social networks, etc. began to erode gradually. There were times when cultural sites have to be destroyed to make way for railroads and roads to connect the hinterlands to the seaports for carrying export commodities to the European markets. At this point, the cultural consequences of either the policy of “conversionism” or the colonial economic development plans, were not given due consideration. (Makoto Aso and Ikuo Amano, 1972)

 

Whether it was for the British, French and Portuguese in Africa or the Japanese, Dutch, British and French in Asia or the Spanish ‘Conquistadores’ in Latin America the wanton pillage and destruction of the sacred and religious was beyond imagination. Still some communities could not recover the lost to their cultural heritages as a result of the colonial expansionist policies.

 

It was only in the early years of the 1950s, which somehow marked the start of development cooperation (after the end of the second world war) that politicians and the development assistance community in both donor and recipient countries began to show some shift in policy in favour of respecting the cultures and traditions of non-western countries. (A.M. Klausen, 1995).

 

This new shift is policy in however underlined by two assumptions:

 

·        That in the name of humanity, societies regarded as lagging behind when helped, could attain the same level of development as the industrial west. This assumption failed to take note of the cultural diversity of the development contexts; and

·        That different sectors of society were autonomous entities, distinctly separate from one another. It was thought that it would be possible to provide technical and economic aid to raise standards of living without making a significant impact on other sectors of society, such as the cultural and political factors was not considered necessary to achieve improvements in the economy and welfare of the populations. This led to a tendency to under-estimate cultural differences, and local experts were seldom consulted.

 

 

In the early 1960’s, the situation however gradually began to change, with the publication of a wealth of literature on unsuccessful projects. Initially, local cultures were regarded at the time as an obstacle to progress, but by the early 1960’s a growing realization developed that cultural factors were important and could not be ignored. Some development technicians and economists began to look for help from people who have some familiarity with cultural issues, in dealing with the perceived obstacles as smoothly as possible. Many turned to the missionaries in view of their hundred years of experience in influencing cultures. However, a number of development assistance administrators no longer found the missionaries a serviceable resource, in view of the dubious reputation they had gained in key developing countries. In the process of nation building, it was considered necessary for the development assistance communities to turn to the recipient countries’ own special experts, to help give the foreign experts an insight into cultural factors. However, at that point in time, when most countries were just attaining political independence, the new elite often proved to be as alienated from its own grassroots population as the foreigners.

 

            The late 1960’s brought about the recognition of the tremendous complexity and difficulties inherent in development cooperation. Due to the efforts of independent social scientists, often in the face of considerable opposition from project managers, development assistance was placed under critical analysis. The period evidenced the establishment of development institutes, to be followed later by sector-based research institutes eager to sell their services, with private consultancy firms hard on their heels. The period also saw the emergence of a new trend in which the socio-anthropological slogan “A society must be understood on its own terms”, began to influence the process of planning and managing change.

 

            In the 1970s and 1980s, researchers were turning their attention to development and the historical causes of underdevelopment. The focus was no longer on the local cultural conditions for change, but rather on the power and control of large, strong systems such as the multilateral development agencies. Prevailing theories of modernization were challenged by what are called “dependency” theories. These are a modern variant, rooted to a greater extent in empirical knowledge of earlier theories of imperialism. During this period, the humanities and social sciences were dominated by neo-Marxist thinking, portraying an optimistic view of development, as a dream of a classless, liberated society. Many people then believed a world revolution was imminent as development cooperation was dismissed by a large number of radical social scientists as mere “emergency relief”, not worthy of their attention. Today, however, things have changed as few people now believe in any swift revolutionary change of system. Critics of the system are now joining the staff of both development cooperation agencies and other social institutions. (F. Perroux, 1983)

 

II.2.     Current Situation and Trends

 

            What then is the current situation as regards the acknowledgement of cultural issues in development frameworks and processes? It is widely believed that most development cooperation politicians and administrations have passed the stage when expertise on cultural factors was only consulted as a branch of public opinion. As a result of the publication of well-researched technical analyses of the significance of cultural factors in development efforts, coupled with active lobbying by a variety of research communities, a new recognition of the role of cultural and social research emerged. However, available expertise in the field of cultural and social research is still underutilised.

 

Considered as a whole there is still on the one hand, on almost total lack of established routines and on the other, a noticeable sceptism in development cooperation institutions as to the value of adopting a more professional and standard approach to the cultural basis of development. At the same time, one can observe that the formulation of development cooperation goals and principles now underscore the fundamental role of cultural factors in recipient countries in the way development assistance is designed.

 

It appears that the critical problem areas to address have to do with the administrators of development cooperation, the programmes and projects they fund and the governments and organizations at the level of the recipient countries. In this section, attempts will be made to identify some of the cultural problems communities face with regards to development policies and actions, the responses of governments and international development agencies, and what could be done to address the issues in a strategic perspective.

 

II.2.1.  Cultural Concerns of Communities

 

            The nature of the international funding for development projects in developing countries is such that local communities are hardly consulted. Rather, they are merely informed and their level of participation is curtailed. In the case of large infrastructural projects such as road construction, large scale multinational logging and Dam constructions, because of the controversies involved, especially as it affects the local communities, the attitude of governments, the donor agency and the multinational contracting companies is one of benign neglect.

 

The following examples will illustrate the point.

 

            1.         Cultural Challenges to Road Planning and Design

 

Unlike Canada, United States and Europe, where design and construction of new roads is starting to be viewed as environmentally unsustainable, developing countries welcome new roads and roadway improvements as important catalysts of socioeconomic benefits. However, unlike Canada and the United States or Europe except for urban areas, settlements are often spatially diverse, many parts of the developing world particularly in East Asia, there is intense use of the land and settlement patterns are extremely dense.

 

Therefore the challenge to construct new roads in developing countries with the intensity of land development, coupled with the significance of cultural sites, is extremely difficult. Added to the engineering challenges is the requirement to document the proposed development under environmental impact assessment legislation, the regulations of the country and the environmental guidelines and directives of the donor agency.

 

This was the case for a recently completed study in Indonesia.

 

Box I.  Cultural Challenges to Road Planning, Design and Construction in Bali (Indonesia)

 

The study involved the feasibility of ten proposed new roads for the urban area of Denspasar, the capital of the province of Bali, Indonesia. Bali has a worldwide reputation as an exotic tourist destination that attracts 4.0 million tourists per year, and an effective and efficient road transportation is an important requirement.

 

Bali has a road system that was designed and constructed under Dutch colonial rule. Most of the road infrastructure have remained at the standards developed between the 1930s and 1950s.

 

The government of Indonesia, through funds provided by the Asian Development Bank, placed a high priority on the design and construction of 10 new proposed roads that would improve access and relieve major traffic congestion in the greater Denpasar area. Whereas the new roads will be assessed environmentally, for their impact on the physical and biological values, they were also expected to have a significant impact on rice production, the village structure and the communities cultural life.

 

The main challenge for road design and construction in Bali is the Balinese Concept of Spatial orientation. This has derived from the Balinese Hindu religion and it has shaped the location of villages and hamlets, their orientation and the sitting of temples and important community halls. The Balinese believe that the Gods, and their ancestors reside in the mountains and the sea and are all orientated on a northeast to Southwest axis. The sea is considered the home of evil spirits, demons and poor souls. Each village has three large temples: one at the north end, one in the middle and one to the South. Each hamlet surrounding the village has a large temple. Each house in the village and hamlet is orientated to the northeast and Southwest and all have family temples situated in the northeast quadrant.

 

As a result, most existing roads run northeast and southwest jogging only to the east and west to pick up existing communities. Since most of the proposed ten new roads were to cross the existing infrastructure, they potentially created significant adverse impacts on the integrity of the villages, the severing of access to the temples and the loss of housing and forced relocation of the residents. Moreover there is no mitigation or compensation that is acceptable to the villagers and they must be involved in any decision making and vote in agreement as to the roads impact on the community.

 

Whereas new roads and improvements to the existing road infrastructure are desperately required to meet the growing number of vehicles and the movement of tourists that contribute substantially to the foreign exchange of Indonesia, but accommodating the cultural needs of the Balinese makes road design and construction a unique challenge.

 

Source: ND Lea International Ltd, Vancouver, B.C. Canada

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


2.         Cultural Challenges to Multinational Logging

 

            The rainforests in the world’s tropical regions are the source of the cultural and biological diversity of local communities living nearby. They tap the rain forest as a means of subsistence, to meet their spiritual and emotional needs and as sources of the diverse medicinal and nutritional plant species they require.

 

            However, these forests are frequently threatened by development projects or concessions offered to international companies by their governments for logging purposes. Sometimes, big pharmaceutical companies from developed countries tap these forests as the source of medicinal plants which are later developed in distant laboratories into drugs that they later sell back to the very countries the plants were obtained from.

 

The world forest movement documented the plight of the Saramacca maroons of Suriname in the fight to preserve their ancestral lands including the forests they have relied on for generations, from wanton, exploitation by multinational corporations.

 

Box II. Saranaca Maroons say no to Multinational logging.

 

Suriname’s rainforests are high in biological diversity and endemic species and are the ancestral homelands of tens of thousands of indigenous peoples and Maroons. The country’s forests continue to be targeted for very intensive industrial forest harvests. Local peoples who lack land rights are resisting.

 

Maroons are the descendants of African slaves who fought for and won their freedom from the Dutch colonial regime that ruled suriname until 1975. Their rights to freedom from slavery and self-government within their territories were recognized in treaties concluded with the Dutch in the 18th Century. Since that time, they have been living in suriname’s rain forests, concentrated along the major water way.

 

The Saramacca are one of the six Maroon peoples of Suriname. The present government of Suriname states that it has no legal obligations under the treaties with the Maroons and does not recognize their rights to own their ancestral lands.

 

Furthermore, it has or is in the process of granting vast areas of the rainforest in concessions to multinational logging and mining companies. These concessions are granted without even notifying indigenous and maroon communities let alone seeking their participation and approval, even if the villages fall within the concessions.

 

Presently, at least two-thirds of the indigenous and maroon communities are either in or very near to logging and mining concessions.

 

The Saramacca leaders have formed an Association to educate their communities about land rights and the environment and to oppose the activities of the logging companies. They have started to map their lands with the aim of presenting a request for title to the government. However, prospects for legal recognition through negotiation or recourse to the legal system appear to be minimal Suriname is presently the only country in the western hemisphere that does not have legal, constitutional or other process that account in some way for indigenous and maroons rights.

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 


Presently, all land in the interior of the country (approximately 80%) is classified as state land and indigenous peoples and Maroons are considered to be permissive occupiers of state land without rights or title thereto. If their subsistence activities conflict with logging or mining operations, the latter takes precedence as a matter of law. Furthermore, Suriname law does not provide any mechanism for consulting with communities about the granting of concessions on or near their territories.

 

International human rights standards provide that indigenous peoples and Maroons have the right to participate fully in decisions, before they are taken, about whether concessions are granted on their lands. This right includes the right to information concerning the proposed activities, companies involved and the nature of the risks posed by the activity.

 

Source: http://forests.orgForest Conservation Archives networked , bu Ecological

 Enterprises,  barry@forests.org

 

Source: Forest Peoples Programme of World Rainforest Movement April 20, 1998, United

            Kingdom, wrm@gn.apc.org

 

 

 

 


3.         Cultural Challenges to Dam Construction

 

            The construction of a dam is always part of broader socio-economic development projects designed to provide hydro-electric power or to provide more cultivable land through irrigation. However, dam construction is without controversies as it disrupts the pattern of living of local communities living around the site of the proposed dam or destroys underground archaeological remains and even relics and monuments.

 

This was the case with the Ilisu Dam project in Trukey.

 

Box III.          Cultural Aspects of the Ilisu Dam Project in Turkey

 

            The plan to construct a dam at Ilisu on the River Tigris is part of a large scale project for the socio-economic development of SE Anatolia. A number of dams are involved in this area that once formed part of ancient Mesopotamia, but those which have attracted attention because of their impact on the cultural heritage are the Birecik Dam on the Euphrates, which led in 2000 to the flooding of Zeugina from which spectacular mosaics have been retrieved, and the Ilisu Dam on the Tigris which involves most crucially the impressive site of Hasankeyf, a major city on the ancient silk route in the 11th-13th century.

 

The area between the Tigris and Euphrates was one of the river valleys in which human civilization first developed. Called by the Greeks “Mesopotamia” (the land between the rivers), this region was the seat of the Assyrian and Babylonian Empires. It was also an area where Near Eastern and Anatolian cultures met and influenced each other. It was a passage way for Alexanders armies and Greek civilization to the east and for trade in silk and Spices to Europe.

 

 
 

 


 

Much of the archaeological heritage in the uppervalley of the Tigris and Euphrates and of their tributaries has not yet been investigated. Preliminary investigations have been made but the majority of the sites remain to be studied (excavated, inventorised, published).

 

The dam projects have however led to far greater attention over recent years and this attention in turn  generated welcome possibilities for research.

 

Equally, not much is known or documented of the traditional culture of the local population to be displaced by the construction of the dam. Kurdish settlements can be traced after a migration from western Persia around 2,500 years ago. Carpet meaning and the tradition of the Arab minority would be lost due to the relocation no less the loss of the underground archaeological heritage.

 

 

Source: Ilisu Engineering group, Ankara, Turkey, April 2001

 

 
 

 

 

 

 


           

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

II.2.2.  National Responses

 

1.         Legislative protection of the heritage resources

 

Government response to the cultural concerns of communities is somehow mixed. Some governments have given adequate legal, institutional and policy protection to the heritage while others pay only a lip service to heritage conservation. The example of south Africa is worth illustrating here as a manifestation of government sensitivity to heritage conservation and the cultural concerns of communities.

 

Box IV.           Legislative Protection of Cultural Heritage Resources: A South African Perspective

 

South Africa abounds with a wide variety of heritage resources. These resources manifest the variety of groups that make up South Africa's rich culture, heritage and diverse political scenery. According to South African legislation, historical and cultural resources fall within the scope of the natural environment for the purpose of environmental law.

 

The country has adopted a three-tree system of heritage resources management that results in effective protection and conservation at the national, provincial and local government levels. Through a national strategy employed by an enabling legislation, heritage resources are adequately employed.

 

The present legislation successfully promotes good management of the national estate without being mutually exclusive, enabling communities to conserve their legacy.

 

South Africa abounds with cultural heritage resources that manifest themselves in the wide variety of ethnic groups, languages, traditions and customs. The multicultural and multilingual community that comprises South Africa’s rich and diverse scenery is furthermore subdivided along various political and religious lines.

 

 

 

 

 

In the light of the above noted diversity, together with the recognition of the importance of protecting local communities cultural heritage, the government recently adopted the National Heritage Resources Act 25 of 1999. This Act replaces the Apartheid legislations. The 1999 legislation for the first time in South African history paid adequate attention to the interests of the suppressed ethnic groups during the Apartheid era.

 

 

Section 38(1) of the National Environmental management Act states that any party who intends to undertake a development activity, must notify the responsible heritage resource authority and to furnish it with all necessary details. If the heritage resource authority believes that heritage resources will be affected by such development, it will require the developer to submit a heritage assessment report.

 

Source: Potchefstroom University for CHE, South Africa, 2002

 

 

 

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


2.         Assessing Anticipated Impacts of Railroad construction

 

In the Eureka county of Nevada (USA), the Department of Environment requested an assessment of the anticipated impact of constructing a railroad that would be expected to transport Spent Nuclear Fuel (SNF) and high-level radioactive waste (HLW) through the cultural heritage resources area of the county.

 

The study anticipated different possible scenarios such as impacts of a transport accident and accident-free rail or truck transport to determine the degree of possible vulnerability of the cultural heritage resources as part of the planning and decision-making process for the project.

 

Box V.                        Anticipated Impacts of the Proposed Action in Eureka County, Nevada (U.S.A)

 

Impacts on cultural Resources Generally

 

Regardless of the alternative selected, the proposed action would irreversibly alter a historic way of life in the rural west.

 

Impacts on Accident-free rail Transportation

 

Ground disturbance activities during the construction phase of the proposed rail corridor could crush or disturb archaeological sites, or expose or cover sites by creating soil erosion. Indirect impacts may also occur during the construction phase, including disturbance of archaeological sites by purposeful or accidental actions of project employees (USDOE, 1999)

 

Possible impacts could also occur during both construction and operations to sacred springs and burial sites of the Newe and to Pleistocene fossils.

 

 

 
 

 

 

 


 

 

Impacts of Accidents-free truck Transportation

 

If the shipment of SNF and HLW through Eureka county by legal-weight truck required for the construction of service or maintenance facilities, the proposed action would have a potential impact on cultural resources, due to ground disturbance or direct damage to the resources.

 

 

Impacts of a Transportation Accident

 

An accident involving a shipment of SNF or HLW through Eureka County would have potential impacts on cultural resources related to damage occurring during emergency response and the risk of wildfire, both of which could cause trampling, crushing, or exposure of cultural items. Such impacts may be greater in the vicinity of the Humboldt River. In the event of a severe accident with a release of radioactivity, access to cultural resources would be potentially lost due to contamination, and the resulting economic slowdown would create indirect impacts on cultural resources.

 

Source: United States Department of Environment, 1999a.